John Robertson (Glasgow, Anniesland) (Lab): It is a pleasure to have secured this debate. Some colleagues whom I expected to attend are serving on Standing Committees this morning; it is a bad morning for the debate, but I know that the hon. Members present will do their best to make it interesting.

This is the second opportunity that I have had to exchange views with the Minister. I was able briefly to make a few relevant points in the previous Session on Second Reading and in Committee on the European Parliamentary and Local Elections (Pilots) Bill. I look forward to hearing the Minister’s comments on the wider issues raised in the debate.

In setting out the case for all-postal ballots, I shall begin by placing the debate in the historical context of the development of representative democracy in Britain, and the philosophical context of the rights of the citizen in such a democracy. I shall then negotiate my way through the details of whether all-postal ballots are practicable and finally examine the implications of my analysis for British elections.

It is necessary to begin from first principles. Why is voting important? The idea of democracy was discussed as far back as “The Histories” by Herodotus as an alternative to hereditary autocracy. Direct democracy was implemented in Athens and, although it may have been practical in a Greek city state where the polis was small-this has nothing to do with the Glasgow polis that I know-in a large state, some kind of representation became necessary. Whether the nature of democratic participation is direct or representative, the principle of active involvement by citizens in the political process remains.

In the British context, debates have focused on, first, who should have the right to vote, and secondly, the manner in which that right should be exercised. I believe that all-postal voting follows logically from the progressive widening of the franchise in Britain. In the past, voting was restricted on the basis of wealth, poverty and sex. Those who had the right to vote were forced to exercise it in public, without the protection of a secret ballot. The reform and representation of people Acts of the 19th and 20th centuries gradually altered the situation. We now recognise that every adult of sound mind should be permitted to vote, irrespective of background or knowledge. We are all rational and moral agents, and a person’s capacity to will freely as a rational agent is not dependent on any empirical capacities that he or she may have. In practice, many are prevented from exercising the right to vote that follows on from that premise.

The 2001 general election turnout was the lowest since 1918. In the last European elections, fewer than one in four voters went to the polling station. Low turnouts are noticeably concentrated in the poorest socio-economic groups and in certain geographical areas. The people who did not vote are not lazy, and many were not making a positive abstention because of their disagreement with the policies of every political party. Many of them are simply in pressured jobs and have substantial family commitments. Many are socially excluded. The law says that those people have the right to vote, but in practice it is more difficult for them to do so.

If we are to make the legal right into a practical reality, it is necessary to find easier ways for people to vote. All-postal voting could provide one of the solutions to that problem, because it works. The Representation of the People Act 2000 introduced new provisions on postal voting and resulted in important changes to absent voting arrangements, including the introduction of postal voting on demand. In my constituency, the turnout for the Scottish Parliament elections in May was 45 per cent., which is down 5 per cent. on 2001. Postal votes, however, were returned at a rate of 72 per cent.-almost 2,500 votes.

The pilot schemes for all-postal ballots also had excellent results. Among the most notable was that described by my hon. Friend the Member for Chorley (Mr. Hoyle). Turnout in the 1998 local elections in Chorley was 31.3 per cent., but in 2002 it was 61.5 per cent. Further remarkable improvements have been seen in pilots from Tyneside to Trafford and from Bolton to Brighton.

It is not only hon. Members-well, most of them-who have expressed approval of that development. The Electoral Commission has concluded that all local elections should be run as all-postal elections unless there are compelling reasons against doing so. The commission made a series of recommendations about making such ballots easier and more secure. For example, it recommended that the current declaration of identity should be replaced by a new security statement and that staff delivery posts should be provided as part of the ballot to allow voters to have access to assistance and to deliver their completed postal vote by hand. The commission also recommended the creation of a new offence of intending fraudulently to apply for a postal or proxy vote, and tough new penalties.

We are not, therefore, considering a whim for some new-fangled development or a party political stunt. All-postal voting is a serious option backed by serious research. Nevertheless, the opposition, especially from the Conservatives, has been considerable, as was particularly evident in debates on the European Parliamentary and Local Elections (Pilots) Bill. The hon. Member for Galloway and Upper Nithsdale (Mr. Duncan) declared that he would have to give me a reality check. He mentioned fraud and compared postal voting with the pinnacle of confidentiality supposedly provided by voting at a polling station, but he conveniently forgot the enormous potential for fraud when all that one needs to do to obtain a ballot paper is state a name to an officer at a polling station. He and other hon. Members should pay close attention to the Electoral Commission recommendations to which I have referred.

Likewise, the hon. Members for Upminster (Angela Watkinson) and for Surrey Heath (Mr. Hawkins) expressed concerns that there would be a detrimental impact on voter confidence if all-postal voting were introduced. The hon. Lady and others advancing that argument would do well to remember that the most telling indication of voter confidence in the process is voter participation. The most effective rebuttal of their argument, therefore, is reference to the substantial increase in turnout that occurred in the majority of areas in which pilots took place.

It is disappointing that the hon. Member for Upminster was forced to resort to spurious arguments about ceremony and to saying that going to a polling station gives the act of voting more significance. Such comments remind me of a long-running historical theme-Tory opposition to measures that empower more people to participate in the democratic process. I fear that we are seeing the latest chapter in a long history.

Students of history will recall that at the time of the Reform Act 1832, the Duke of Wellington declared that the House of Commons would end up rotten to the core if poor people were ever allowed to vote. We are used to Tories clutching at straws when trying to ensure that only Tories get out to vote. Of course, Tory antipathy to making the franchise a reality is understandable. The most significant occasion on which a Tory Government widened the franchise was the introduction of the second Reform Act, of 1867. Within months of that legislation being passed, the newly enfranchised masses booted the Tories out by a landslide.

Whereas the Tories of the 19th century sought to defeat legislation that would give people the legal right to vote, the Tories of the 21st century oppose measures that will make it easier for people to exercise what is already their legal right. They do not even like Scottish Members of Parliament exercising their right to vote as equal Members of the House.

It might be interesting to see what participation there has been and what questions have been asked by the Opposition. The hon. Member for Brentwood and Ongar (Mr. Pickles) asked a question about postal ballots on 12 May 2003 and the right hon. Member for Haltemprice and Howden (David Davis) asked one on 30 June. The hon. Member for Stone (Mr. Cash) asked a question on 2 July, and the hon. Member for Galloway and Upper Nithsdale asked one on 12 September. They all asked roughly the same question. I shall read out the last one:

“To ask the Deputy Prime Minister how many trial postal ballots have been conducted in local elections; where they were held; and how much each one cost.”-[Official Report, 18 September 2003; Vol. 410, c. 966W.]

That series of questions suggests that the Opposition were looking for excuses not to conduct a postal ballot. I am sure that the hon. Member for Surrey Heath will tell us why, even though the Opposition want nothing to do with such ballots, they are so concerned about them that they had to ask those questions.

What lessons can be learned? First, we should select appropriate locations for pilot schemes in the European and local elections this year, for which I believe Scotland is ideally suited. Secondly, depending on the operation of pilot schemes in those elections, we should consider the possibility of an all-postal ballot in general elections. I am disappointed that the Electoral Commission decided not to recommend that Scotland be chosen as one of the pilot zones. In my view, it fulfilled all the necessary criteria.

Pete Wishart (North Tayside) (SNP): What are the hon. Gentleman’s conclusions on why Scotland has not been selected, given that the Minister was close to declaring that it would be selected during the final stages of the European Parliamentary and Local Elections (Pilots) Bill? I understand that the change has occurred on the initiative of the returning officer. What is the hon. Gentleman’s view of what happened?

John Robertson : The hon. Gentleman has asked a valid question. If he can be patient, he will find that my view will be well laid out in this speech.

The low turnout in much of the country means that there is a greater urgency and much more potential for improvement. That is proven by the track record in constituencies such as mine of campaigns to encourage postal votes. The situation would also be helped by the fact that, unlike in the English regions, no local elections would be held on the same day as European Parliament elections. A change in turnout could be affected as much by local matters as by the introduction of different voting methods. Holding a pilot scheme in an area in which two different elections are taking place on the same day would complicate matters further. Furthermore, the European and local elections will be taking place under different voting systems. My view is not new, but was echoed by many on Second Reading of the European Parliamentary and Local Elections (Pilots) Bill. Unfortunately, it appeared to fall on deaf ears.

Mr. David Heath (Somerton and Frome) (LD): That view did not entirely fall on deaf ears as far as the Electoral Commission is concerned, as Scotland was identified as the second best region that meets the criteria. So why on earth have the Government chosen two English regions rather than Scotland?

John Robertson : That question is not for me to answer, but I am sure that my hon. Friend the Minister will address it.

The multiplicity of variables in the elections in England and Wales next June will make any scientific assessment of the impact of new voting methods much more difficult. In Scotland, however, there will be one election under one voting system with one ballot paper, so it provides the perfect testing ground for the pilot schemes to which the Bill refers.

Even the Electoral Commission recognised what it called “several distinct advantages”, notably including Scotland’s several separate media outlets, such as the strong Scottish press and clearly defined radio and television markets, which would make any voter awareness campaign much easier. Scotland’s own distinctive identity would ensure that electors were well aware that any campaign on Scottish voting arrangements would apply to them.

Why was the Electoral Commission not convinced? It gave two principal reasons. One was the potential pitfalls of organising a postal ballot in rural areas, some of which do not have access to a daily postal service. The Royal Mail, however, specifically recommended Scotland in its submission. Indeed, it stated:

“Royal Mail recommends that one of the other regions chosen as a pilot should include a mix of rural and urban voters, and Scotland would be an ideal choice from this point of view. It has the largest geographical area of all the regions with the smallest population density. Its large rural profile would allow an all-postal voting scheme to offer the greatest advantage in voter convenience and, therefore, voter turnout. In terms of the knowledge derived from the pilots, such a region would test the capability of Royal Mail to coordinate some of its most remote collections with some of its most urban ones: a challenge we welcome. Furthermore, choosing such a region should lower the cost per vote cast, increasing value for money.”

That is a glowing endorsement.

The second reason given by the Electoral Commission was the submission that it received from the regional returning officer, Mr. Tom Aitchison. Its report states:

“The Regional Returning Officer has informed the Commission that he believes there is insufficient time available to put in place the necessary mechanisms to deliver an all-postal pilot with any reasonable guarantee of success.”

It has been reported that Mr. Aitchison also raised the problem of resources, but the Minister has indicated that resources could be made available for areas selected for pilots. I have also been told that Mr. Aitchison told Ministers that his colleagues supported him, but my information is that that is not true. Does the Minister know who is right? Did he contact other returning officers, as requested on Second Reading of the European Parliamentary and Local Elections (Pilots) Bill?

Perhaps Mr. Aitchison’s reluctance can partly be explained by his experiences in the 1999 Scottish parliamentary elections, when 2,000 ballot papers from the Edinburgh, West constituency, which he oversaw, went missing. If Mr. Aitchison has no faith in his own ability or that of his colleagues, he should stand down and make way for someone with the ability and confidence that he obviously lacks. I would like to know what the Minister’s assessment is of the advice received from the regional returning officer for Scotland, and I would appreciate his comments on the situation. Perhaps he can tell me how one gets rid of an electoral returning officer.

It is especially important that that question is cleared up, because the Electoral Commission stated in evidence to the Select Committee on Scottish Affairs that Scotland would meet criteria for an all-postal ballot if the Government provided the necessary resources and Royal Mail the necessary commitment. As has been heard, the Minister and the Royal Mail have both given that commitment, so why is Scotland not being considered for a pilot? It would be very unfortunate if the returning officer’s decision to oppose an all-postal ballot unnecessarily wrecked our opportunity to enfranchise thousands of people who are often prevented by time or other factors from going out to vote.

Finally, if the pilots in June this year are successful, the Department for Constitutional Affairs should give serious consideration to the use of all-postal ballots across the country at general elections. There would have to be areas where people could still deliver their ballot paper by hand, but one such location per constituency would probably be enough, except in more rural areas, where there might be two or three.

I am aware that when the chairman of the Electoral Commission, Mr. Sam Younger, was asked about all-postal voting at general elections, he said:

“Let’s not run before we can walk.”

However, if the Opposition get their way, we probably will not even start crawling. I agree with Mr. Younger that we must take our time, put effective safeguards in place and ensure that we are well prepared for pilot schemes, but let us still be ambitious and rise to the challenge of increasing voter participation, given that all the identified problems are addressed. In Britain we have a proud tradition of a representative democracy, but we must seek continually to reinvigorate the process. Having listed the problems that we face, I have demonstrated why all-postal voting is required.

In conclusion, I have to ask the following questions for all who are connected with the elections. Why did the Electoral Commission not support Scotland for an all-postal ballot even when the concerns were addressed? Why did the returning officer refuse to allow Scotland to be a pilot for all-postal ballots? His own colleagues wanted the pilot provided that all the concerns were met, as they were. Why would opposition parties want to prevent people from voting? What are their real motives? What is the Minister doing for Scotland given the obvious unfairness that has been shown? I look forward to hearing what other hon. Members, and in particular my hon. Friend the Minister, have to say.

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